Is this Marine Le Pen’s moment?

Paige Fusco

French President Emmanuel Macron thought he’d have his reelection in the bag by now.

But days out from the first round of voting, far-right firebrand Marine Le Pen is giving the incumbent a run for his money. Macron is still ahead – with a current poll putting him at 27%, just three and half points ahead of Le Pen. Still, the forecast is not what Macron – an ideological chameleon who has tried very hard to establish himself as Europe’s diplomat in chief – had been expecting.

Why is Marine Le Pen, who once tied her political fortunes to her father Jean-Marie – founder of the National Front Party who’s faced charges for antisemitic and racist rhetoric – doing so well?

Rebrand and refocus. For years, Le Pen has tried to distance herself from her toxic family brand. After riding his coattails into politics, she broke ranks with her dad, pushing him out of the leadership role in 2015. Then, in 2018, she changed the party’s name to the National Rally, a xenophobia-lite offshoot of her father’s brainchild. Like him, she’s long espoused anti-EU sentiment, rallied against immigration, and trafficked in anti-Muslim prejudice.

But seeking to balance her hardline credentials, Le Pen has also leaned into the view that all politics is personal, playing up her background as a single mother with increased frequency. For several years, she’s also sought to position herself as a warm and fuzzy cat enthusiast with breeding aspirations.

More recently, Le Pen has placed her hardline anti-immigrant message on the back burner, focusing instead on bread-and-butter issues like inflation and soaring food and fuel prices. This has proven a prudent strategy with French voters, who are now overwhelmingly concerned with reduced purchasing power.

Le Pen also recently did something unusual: she has supported welcoming Ukrainian refugees to France, eschewing the message that’s long been at the center of her political platform. Perhaps that’s because 85% of French voters say they support helping Ukrainians who’ve fled the conflict.

So has Le Pen really changed?

Not according to Mujtaba Rahman, head of Eurasia Group’s Europe desk, who says she’s simply a savvy politician: “Le Pen is no more moderate or reasonable today than she has been historically. She remains an extreme right force in French politics.”

Le Pen has also benefited, significantly, from the mishaps of her opponents.

Macron saw a war-related bump last month as he conducted shuttle diplomacy with Vladimir Putin. But the president has failed to capitalize on the boost, in large part because he hasn’t done much (or any) campaigning, relying instead on his image as a globe-trotting statesman to do the heavy lifting. This is an extremely risky move in France, where the electorate is notoriously averse to their leaders, and has not re-elected an incumbent in two decades.

While Macron was setting the internet on fire visiting the Kremlin, Le Pen was hitting the pavement, visiting small towns, taking selfies, and shaking hands with common folk.

What’s more, Le Pen has been able to distinguish herself as a palatable figure on the far right compared to her main rival, Éric Zemmour, an outspoken TV personality and provocateur. Le Pen, a longtime Putin backer, read the room: she saw there’s little love for Putin in France right now and has downplayed her previous support for him. (Still, she insists that France needs to maintain relations with Russia, even with Putin calling the shots.)

Le Pen’s pragmatism has allowed her to steal voters from Zemmour, who has rallied against sanctioning Russia and is avowedly anti-NATO. She “has benefited from the existence of even more extreme candidates on the campaign field,” Rahman says. “This has created the impression of moderation where none really exists.”

Consider this: when Russia invaded Ukraine on February 24, the far-right rivals were just three percentage points apart in the polls. Today, Le Pen is ahead by at least 12, and Zemmour is barely relevant.

Marine Le Pen has long been a formidable player in French politics. So what’s the difference now? Well, the idea of a President Le Pen is no longer so scary to French voters. It’s not likely, but she could still pull this off.

More from GZERO Media

Members of the armed wing of Nelson Mandela's African National Congress line up waiting to vote in a military base north of Pretoria, on April 26, 1994.
REUTERS/Corinne Dufka

On April 27, 1994, Black South Africans went to the polls, marking an end to years of white minority rule and the institutionalized racial segregation known as apartheid. But the “rainbow nation” still faces many challenges, with racial equality and economic development remaining out of reach.

"Patriots" on Broadway: The story of Putin's rise to power | GZERO Reports

Putin was my mistake. Getting rid of him is my responsibility.” It’s clear by the time the character Boris Berezovsky utters that chilling line in the new Broadway play “Patriots” that any attempt to stop Russian President Vladimir Putin’s rise would be futile, perhaps even fatal. The show opened for a limited run in New York on April 22.

TITLE PLACEHOLDER | GZERO US Politics

Campus protests are a major story this week over the Israeli operation in Gaza and the Biden administration's support for it. These are leading to accusations of anti-Semitism on college campuses, and things like canceling college graduation ceremonies at several schools. Will this be an issue of the November elections?

The view Thursday night from inside the Columbia University campus gate at 116th Street and Amsterdam in New York City.
Alex Kliment

An agreement late Thursday night to continue talking, disagreeing, and protesting – without divesting or policing – came in stark contrast to the images of hundreds of students and professors being arrested on several other US college campuses on Thursday.

U.S. President Donald Trump speaks with Judge Amy Coney Barrett after she was sworn in as an associate justice of the U.S. Supreme Court on the South Lawn of the White House in Washington, U.S. October 26, 2020.
REUTERS/Jonathan Ernst

Some of the conservative justices (three of whom were appointed by Trump) expressed concern that allowing former presidents to be criminally prosecuted could present a burden to future commanders-in-chief.

A Palestinian woman inspects a house that was destroyed after an Israeli airstrike in Rafah, April 24, 2024.
Abed Rahim Khatib/Reuters

“We are afraid of what will happen in Rafah. The level of alert is very high,” Ibrahim Khraishi, the Palestinian ambassador to the United Nations, said Thursday.

Haiti's new interim Prime Minister Michel Patrick Boisvert holds a glass with a drink after a transitional council took power with the aim of returning stability to the country, where gang violence has caused chaos and misery, on the outskirts of Port-au-Prince, Haiti April 25, 2024.
REUTERS/Pedro Valtierra

Haiti’s Prime Minister Ariel Henry formally resigned on Thursday as a new transitional body charged with forming the country’s next government was sworn in.

U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken arrives at the Beijing Capital International Airport, in Beijing, China, April 25, 2024.
Mark Schiefelbein/Pool via REUTERS

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken brought up concerns over China's support for Russia with his counterpart Wang Yi in Beijing on Friday, before meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping.

Flags from across the divide wave in the air over protests at Columbia University on Thursday, April 25, 2024.
Alex Kliment

Of the many complex, painful issues contributing to the tension stemming from the Oct. 7 Hamas massacre and the ongoing Israeli attacks in Gaza, dividing groups into two basic camps, pro-Israel and pro-Palestine, is only making this worse. GZERO Publisher Evan Solomon explains the need to solve this category problem.