“We hope and believe that 2026 will be the year of Latin America,” Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar proclaimed late last year.
So far, it looks like things are going his way. Even as Israel grows increasingly isolated on the world stage, there is one region where a whole swath of newly elected leaders can’t seem to get enough of the Jewish state: Latin America.
Last week, the government of newly elected Colombian President Abelardo de la Espriella opened a new embassy in Jerusalem, joining a small group of countries that recognize the city as Israel’s capital. Argentina’s President Javier Milei, in power since 2023, is an enthusiastic supporter of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, has visited Israel repeatedly, and even expressed interest in converting to Judaism. Former Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro visited Israel in 2019 and promised to move Brazil’s embassy to Jerusalem, although he ultimately opened a trade office instead. His son Flávio Bolsonaro, who is well positioned to win Brazil’s presidential runoff this weekend, has indicated he would move the embassy if elected.
All of these leaders share one thing in common: they are part of Latin America’s resurgent right, which has gained power in a growing number of countries by appealing to voters’ concerns about crime, violence, and corruption.
But their enthusiasm for Israel contrasts with broader public opinion across the region. Pew polling found that nearly 60% of Chileans, 55% of Argentines, and 52% of Brazilians hold unfavorable views of Israel.
So, why are these leaders embracing the Jewish state so fervently?
Historical ties to the right. During the Cold War, Israel supplied weapons and military assistance to several of Latin America’s most prominent right-wing dictatorships, including those in Argentina, Chile, and Brazil. When the US restricted military assistance to these regimes over human rights concerns, Israel often stepped in. These relationships established a precedent for military cooperation that continues today.
Religion. Evangelical Christianity has grown rapidly across Latin America, particularly in Brazil, Colombia, and Central America, where it has become a political force to be reckoned with. Right-wing leaders like Bolsonaro in Brazil and Jimmy Morales in Guatemala owe much of their rise to the rapid growth of evangelicalism in the region. Many evangelical communities strongly support Israel, believing that the establishment of a Jewish state is a prerequisite for the return of Christ and the final judgment.
Kindred spirits. Many of these leaders have built their political identities around promises to crack down on crime, narco-terrorism, and insecurity. Israel, with its powerful military and intelligence capabilities, offers an appealing model for politicians who promise a hard line against drug cartels and organized crime, even if the threats facing their countries are fundamentally different.
But it’s also a political alignment. Eurasia Group Brazil experts Marcelo Alvarenga and Julia Thomson say that this connection is especially strong in Brazil. “Bolsonarismo shares the view [with Netanyahu] that it is part of a worldwide crusade against other political movements,” Alvarenga says. Bolsonaro’s support for Israel also reflects its opposition to current President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and the Brazilian left, which it associates with support for the Palestinian cause.
But what does each side actually gain? For Latin American countries, there are a few key things.
Signaling to Trump. Supporting Israel is a way to demonstrate alignment with President Donald Trump, one of Netanyahu's strongest international backers. As traditional US allies criticize Israel, right-wing leaders in Latin America can signal that they’re aligned with Washington, potentially strengthening their ties with the US on security and trade.
Israel has valuable military technology. Israel has long supplied military equipment to Latin American armed forces. It now also offers cutting-edge drone, cybersecurity, and targeting technologies. Earlier this month, Argentina signed a new defense cooperation agreement with Israel, months after purchasing Israeli-made rifles. Colombia, meanwhile, is keen to restore valuable defense and intelligence cooperation that deteriorated under former left-wing President Gustavo Petro.
Former Israeli diplomat Dan Arbell points to concerns in Argentina and Paraguay about Hezbollah-linked activity in the Tri-Border Area, where Argentina, Brazil, and Paraguay meet. These shared concerns, he argues, are helping push the relationship beyond political symbolism.
Trade and tech. Although bilateral trade between Israel and the region remains modest, around $2.5 billion each year and concentrated mostly in Brazil, Israel has advanced expertise in agriculture, water management, and cybersecurity that could benefit Latin American economies. Colombia has restored its free trade agreement with Israel, which also has an agreement with Mercosur, the South American trading bloc.
What does Israel get?
There’s a commercial incentive, for one thing. Israel’s defense industry exported a record $19.2 billion in equipment last year, and closer relationships – especially with countries focused on security issues – could open new markets for Israeli weapons and technology.
But the bigger benefit may be diplomatic. As Israel faces growing international criticism over Gaza, friendly governments willing to open embassies in Jerusalem and defend Israel’s policies are increasingly valuable.
“Latin America is not a peripheral region for Israel,” says Dina Siegel Vann, director of the American Jewish Committee’s Belfer Institute for Latino and Latin American Affairs. “It is a region of considerable diplomatic weight, economic potential, and strategic importance.”
All of this still depends on the “right” circumstances. Israel’s deepening ties with the region depend heavily on the resurgence of Latin America’s right. For now, that wave appears to be gaining momentum, especially if Flávio Bolsonaro fulfills expectations and wins Brazil’s runoff this Sunday. But in a region where anti-incumbency has become the dominant force in politics, it’s not clear how long the rightward swing will last.
As Siegel Vann put it, “The key question is how [the two sides] move from a moment of political alignment to a long-term strategic partnership.”
