Venezuela’s opposition leader on Trump, Maduro, and why the ballot box isn’t the answer this time

This Sunday, Venezuelans will go to the polls in the first nationwide elections since the contested presidential election last July.

But unlike that election, which by all independent accounts President Nicolás Maduro stole, the country’s embattled opposition has decided this time not to participate at all.

Ahead of the vote – which is for local, regional, and legislative positions – I sat down with opposition leader María Corina Machado, who has been in hiding amid a fierce government crackdown since the election last year.

I asked her why she has gambled on boycotting the vote rather than participating, what she thinks of the Trump Administration’s Venezuela policy, and millions of Venezuelans who have fled the country…

Here's the full interview.

Riley Callanan: Hello, Maria. Thank you for speaking with GZERO today ahead of Venezuela's elections this Sunday. I understand that you're in hiding right now, but could you tell me a little bit about what your life has been like since the election last summer? How have you processed both the massive victory of being able to prove that Maduro didn't win, but also the disappointment of him not stepping down?

Maria Corina Machado: Well, Riley, I first of all have to say that I feel so proud of what the Venezuelan people were able to do. It was a huge victory and most people thought it was impossible. We were able to build a movement of over 1 million volunteers that were able to secure the tall sheets in less than 24 hours under fierce persecution to prove that we won by a landslide.

After Maduro was defeated, he accused me of terrorism. He said that I would have to spend the rest of my life in prison. Every single coordinator involved in directing these huge processes are either in exile, jail, or in hiding. And that's what I decided to do. It was almost 10 months ago. And to be honest, it hasn't been easy. You're never prepared to be in absolute isolation.

But fortunately, I've had the possibility to work without stopping in order to maintain the strength, the pressure, and even scale up [our effort] so that we will finally, as I have no doubt, make the popular sovereignty of the Venezuelan people be respected.

Callanan: Do you think that Maduro's regime is at risk of losing power on Sunday?

Machado: Well, look, Sunday is not an election and it has nothing to do with Maduro getting more power in the country. It's going to be a huge defeat because people will not participate, and will not go. And I want to make this very clear. We are under not a conventional dictatorship, but a criminal structure that uses these kinds of processes to try to whitewash their faces. In this process, only those individuals that the regime allows are able to participate as candidates. They have completely changed the rules and violated the laws regarding who votes and where they vote. So in this case, a massive boycott will leave the regime alone and even further weaken what they have left of support. That I insist is only a few top brass individuals and financial enablers.

Callanan: Tell me a little bit more about that. After pulling off such a massive organizational feat in the presidential election, how did you decide to use your power as the opposition leader to call for a boycott? How'd you decide that abstention was the best route forward for the opposition at this point?

Machado: Because we've already proven where the power is, we've already shown where the people are. That happened on July 28th, and everybody knows it. They never expected that we had such a strong organization or that we could prove the results.

So once that happened, they decided to cut short any possibility of a genuine electoral process—it was over. Our concern, our mandate, our duty right now is to ensure that result is respected.

In that context, we need to evaluate every action the regime takes in terms of whether it facilitates or accelerates the transition to democracy and Maduro’s exit from power, or whether it stabilizes the regime. And in this case, it is clear to the Venezuelan people that this maneuver by the regime is designed to help them stabilize.

So we’re going to do exactly what the country needs—and certainly, we want to vote in truly free and fair elections. That’s what we’re fighting for—not this operation designed by the regime.

Callanan: I know you've also called on the international community to pressure Venezuela to move toward democracy. Specifically regarding the US, have you been able to make any inroads with the Trump administration? I know you appeared on Donald Trump Jr.'s podcast a few months ago. What are your thoughts on Donald Trump's current policy toward Venezuela?

Machado: Well, I have to say that I’m very grateful to the administration and to President Trump for his position on Venezuela. It has been unwavering support, along with that of Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Under Secretary of State Christopher Landau. They have been very clear in their stance. I also have to acknowledge members of Congress — senators, congressmen, and congresswomen — who understand that the regime in Venezuela represents an ongoing threat, one that is already destabilizing the region and endangering both hemispheric and US national security. We are very grateful to President Trump for the decisions he has made in this regard.

Callanan: On the other hand, hundreds of Venezuelans have been deported to El Salvador to some of the harshest prisons in the region. That number is likely to increase now that the Supreme Court, on Monday, lifted deportation protections for 350,000 Venezuelans. What are your thoughts on the Trump administration’s policy regarding deportations?

Machado: Look, I’ve been very clear—and members of the administration are well aware of my position. Venezuelans who have left our country have been forced to do so by the regime—not only because it has destroyed and impoverished our population, but because anyone who thinks differently is persecuted. Almost all of those who have fled are good, hardworking, honest, family-loving people. And you know what? They want to come back — but they want to return to freedom.

The best way to solve the migration crisis stemming from Venezuela involves a broad international effort — not just from the United States, but also from many countries in Latin America that are under similar pressure. We have a third of our population living abroad. Imagine if a third of Americans had to leave their country — what would that mean? It’s devastating. We want our families back, we want our children back. But to make that happen, we need a transition that offers opportunity and safety for them at home.

So I insist: the only way to solve this immigration problem is at the source — not at the border. That means a transition to democracy in Venezuela. And that’s why we are asking our allies to help us.