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Crises and Concessions: France, Germany, Italy

Crises and Concessions: France, Germany, Italy

Ms. May's humiliation was particularly dramatic, but political leaders elsewhere in Europe have had to backtrack on strongly-held ideas in recent days.

Here's a cornucopia of climb downs from the continent:



In France, after another weekend of violent protests, President Emmanuel Macron went on TV yesterday to defuse a crisis that has engulfed his presidency. The "Yellow Vest" movement, which began in opposition to a proposed hike in fuel taxes, has quickly grown to embody the broader anger and anxieties of the country's middle class, particularly in rural areas. After initially remaining aloof from the crisis, his administration first suspended and then outright cancelled the tax hike. Mr. Macron has now declared a state of "social and economic emergency" and pledged to restore order while also offering a (somewhat meager) 100 euro a month increase to the national minimum wage.

The challenge for Mr. Macron is this: he was elected in part on his promises to make the unpopular economic reforms that France needs in order to bring down unemployment, boost growth, and spur innovation. Thus far he has stumbled in part because of the perception that he's front-loaded the pain for poor and middle-class people. His speech yesterday aimed to demonstrate both resolve and compassion in a way that puts him back on track to address further politically fraught issues next year, such as pension reform. The risk is that in making concessions to the street once, he will be unable to hold the line in the future.

Meanwhile in Germany, outgoing Chancellor Angela Merkel has quietly dropped her long-standing insistence that all EU countries must accept refugees according to an agreed-upon quota. The new line, included in a joint German-French discussion paper ahead of EU meetings later this week, says that while solidarity within the common bloc is desirable, countries can, in effect, say no to taking in migrants. It's a small nuance with big implications – migration policy has been the single most inflammatory issue in European politics in recent years.

Backlashes both against refugees themselves, as well as against Brussels' insistence on country-level quotas, have fueled the rise of anti-establishment parties that have roiled Europe's politics since 2015. Merkel's climbdown on this issue may facilitate a broader EU agreement on migration policy this week, but at the cost of Brussels' long-term legitimacy.

And to Italy, where the government coalition of the anti-establishment Five Star Movement and the right-wing Lega party has pulled its own climbdown. For months Rome has locked horns with Brussels over next year's Italian budget. The government wants massive tax cuts favored by the business-friendly Lega, along with huge social spending increases promised by Five Star on the campaign trail.

But the combination would violate EU fiscal rules by expanding Italy's sky-high government debt. The EU has threatened sanctions, while financial markets punished Italy. Faced with the prospect of deeper financial market turmoil, Rome has relaxed its earlier anti-Brussels bravado and now says it's willing to trim spending to find a compromise. But room for maneuver is scant: both Five Star and Lega have electoral promises to keep, and both are burnishing their Eurosceptic bonafides ahead of European parliamentary elections this spring.

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Back in 2016, presidential candidate Donald Trump presented his vision for an "America First" foreign policy, which symbolized a radical departure from the US' longtime approach to international politics and diplomacy.

In electing Donald Trump, a political outsider, to the top job, American voters essentially gave him a mandate to follow through on these promises. So, has he?

Trade

"A continuing rape of our country."

On the 2016 campaign trail, candidate Trump said that the Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP) — a 12 country trade deal pushed by the Obama administration — would "rape" America's economy by imperiling the manufacturing sector, closing factories, and taking more jobs overseas.

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In an op-ed titled "Iran Arms Embargo Reckoning," the Wall Street Journal editorial board argues that ending the UN arms embargo on Iran was a major flaw of the 2015 nuclear deal and questions whether Biden could do anything to contain Iran at this point. Ian Bremmer and Eurasia Group's Henry Rome take out the Red Pen to explain why this discussion misrepresents the importance of the embargo and the consequences for its expiration.

So, the US presidential election is now just days away, and today's selection is focusing on a specific aspect of foreign policy that will certainly change depending on who wins in the presidential contest—namely America's approach to Iran.

You've heard me talk before about the many similarities between Trump and Biden on some international policies, like on China or on Afghanistan. But Iran is definitely not one of those. Trump hated the JCPOA, the 2015 Iranian nuclear deal, put together under the Obama administration, and he walked away from it unilaterally. Joe Biden, if he were to become president, would try to bring it back.

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It almost didn't happen — but here we are again. President Donald Trump and his Democratic challenger Joe Biden face off tonight in the final presidential debate of the 2020 US election campaign.

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Following the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, US President George W. Bush demanded that Afghanistan's Taliban government surrender Osama bin Laden and end support for al-Qaeda. The Taliban refused.

On October 7, US bombs began falling on Taliban forces. NATO allies quickly pledged support for the US, and US boots hit the ground in Afghanistan two weeks later.

Thus began a war, now the longest in US history, that has killed more than 3,500 coalition soldiers and 110,000 Afghans. It has cost the American taxpayer nearly $3 trillion. US allies have also made human and material sacrifices.

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