WRESTLING WITH FOREIGN POLICY

Last month, your Friday author heard an excellent speech from Gillian Tett of the Financial Times in which she recounted, among other things, observations from Naomi Klein's book No is Not Enough on President Trump's personal history with American professional wrestling and its impact on his political style. Tett wrote on the subject here.


If you've seen an American wrestling match, you'll recognize the atmosphere at many Trump rallies: the pumped-up, angry crowds, the chanting, and the emasculating nicknames wrestlers use to belittle one another. It's a chaotic (carefully choreographed) spectacle.

As Klein points out, it's also an audience and a ritual that liberals and the wealthy in the US tend to ignore. That makes it harder for them to recognize the fears and needs of many people who feel completely overlooked in American society. President Trump understands this.

But professional wrestling also presents a "morality play." When warriors enter the ring, every spectator knows which one is the hero and which is the villain. There can be no heroes without villains. It's the villain that defines the hero.

Trump is hardly unique in his search for useful foils. This is an element not only of the political arena but of human nature. But given his business and personal ties with professional wrestling and its most successful promoters, its influence is revealing for understanding his foreign policy—and the adversaries he's most likely to cast as villains over the coming (very challenging) two years.

Which baddies does the Trump crowd boo with greatest gusto?

China: There are good reasons why the US—and other governments—demand changes to Beijing's economic, trade, and investment policies. But China is especially well cast as a bad guy for Trump's audience because many of his most loyal supporters see that country as the threatening power on the rise, one that has "stolen" large numbers of US manufacturing jobs.

Mexico: Last month, Trump told Plitico: "I will tell you, politically speaking, that issue [of halting immigration across the US-Mexican border] is a total winner." The president's midterm election strategy made clear that, whether Trump's supporters see would-be border-crossers as jobseekers or gang-bangers, they want to keep them out of the US. Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, Mexico's leftist new president, has promised to help Central Americans escape hardship. For now, Trump and Lopez Obrador have a few things in common, but that relationship looks likely to head south.

Iran: Many of Trump's voters are older—in fact, old enough to remember the national humiliation many felt when Iranian revolutionaries held 52 Americans hostage inside the US embassy in Tehran for 444 days from November 1979 to January 1981. But Trump supporters also tend to prioritize support for Israel's security. Iranians, more than their Arab neighbors, are apt to publicly threaten Israel.

These aren't the only villains Trump supporters want to see him throw from the ring, but they're the most reliable of his political bad guys—and there are more than enough areas of real disagreement with these governments to fuel many a fight in months to come.

Today, Brazil's President Jair Bolsonaro will visit the White House for the first time. Bolsonaro is a right-wing firebrand whose unlikely rise, disparaging views on minorities, shrewd use of social media, and combative relationship with the press have led some to call him a "Tropical Trump."

But how useful is that label? What's Bolsonaro after at the White House? And why has the Brazilian president recently asked the what a "golden shower" is?

To learn more, we sat down with Roberto Simon, a veteran Brazilian journalist who is now Senior Director of Policy at the Council of the Americas, and politics editor at Americas Quarterly the Council's (excellent) magazine on Latin America.

You can watch the whole interview by clicking here. But here are a few highlights to keep in mind ahead of today's meeting:

Bolsonaro's visit to the White House aims to accomplish a few things: First, to bolster his street credibility with his rightwing base at home, who admire Trump; second, to draw closer to Trump on a way to resolve the crisis in Venezuela, which has caused a politically volatile situation on the Brazilian border; and third, to secure closer military ties with Washington.

Like Trump, Bolsonaro was an outsider candidate with sharply anti-progressive views who defied the pundits by winning. But there are big differences too. For one thing, Bolsonaro counts on just a small party in a fractious legislature -- he has nothing like the Republican party support that Trump enjoys in the Senate. What's more, Trump-style anti-globalization rhetoric doesn't play nearly as well in a country where globalization has lifted tens of millions out of poverty. Here are some more thoughts from us on the differences between the two men.

And lastly, the context for that famous Bolsonaro's "golden shower" tweet is a raging culture war between the right and left in Brazil that threatens to overshadow key economic priorities like reforming the country's unsustainable pension system.

Again, full interview is here.

President Donald Trump has made no secret of his disdain for China, and Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro has followed suit. But when it comes to revising their relationships with Beijing, Mr. Bolsonaro has to play a lot more carefully than Trump. After all, Brazil's economy depends a lot on Chinese trade and investment, and Brazilians' views of the Asian giant are, like those of their American counterparts, generally more favorable than their president's.

Yesterday, Russian President Vladimir Putin touched down in Crimea to celebrate five years since Moscow seized the peninsula from Ukraine. Later this week, Chinese President Xi Jinping will travel to Europe, where Italy is expected to sign on to Beijing's trillion-dollar Belt and Road global infrastructure plan.

Our thought bubble: Each of these visits speaks to a different way that the world order – once dominated, for better or for worse, by the Euro-Atlantic "west" – is now rapidly shifting.

Russia tearing things down: Back in 2014, President Putin justified the annexation of Crimea by rattling off 20 years worth of grievances with the West, finishing with this warning: "if you compress a spring to its limit, it will snap back hard." Russia in the years since has been in snapback mode – keen to defend what it sees Moscow's sphere of influence (Ukraine), force the US to reckon with Moscow as a global player again (Syria), and to accelerate the political fragmentation of the West along nationalist/populist lines (using its cyber capacity to exacerbate underlying social and political polarization in Europe and the US).

China building things up: But where Russia is concerned primarily with accelerating the decline of an old order, China is looking to create a new one of its own – building new China-run global financial structures, exporting Chinese technological standards and norms, particularly in the development of 5G, and broadening economic and trade relationships left to languish by a less trade-friendly US. Critics worry that Chinese loans will create debt traps, or that Chinese technology companies will muscle out Western competitors while creating national security liabilities. But dozens of countries are eager to tap into lavish Chinese financing for much-needed infrastructure, and to gain better access to that billion-strong export market.

The Belt and Road initiative, which already includes some 80 countries, is a centerpiece of President Xi Jinping's plan for China to "take center stage in the world." Until now, the that strategy has focused primarily on Africa, Asia, Latin America, and smaller countries on Europe's fringes – but if Italy signs on, it would be the first G7 country to join. That would mark a major new milestone in Beijing's global rise.

The big picture: US President Donald Trump has certainly upended long-standing assumptions about American support for a certain kind of global order. But that's only part of a much larger story in which a rising China and a rankled Russia are challenging and remaking the international landscape. In sum: it ain't all Trump.

WHAT WE ARE WATCHING

Unkillable Brexit? – Another wrench in the works for Brexit. The UK House of Commons speaker ruled late yesterday that Prime Minister Theresa May can't hold a third "meaningful vote" on her twice-defeated Brexit deal unless significant changes are made to it. Ms. Ma1y is traveling to Brussels later this week to see if she can win more time for negotiations, but even if she can, it's not clear she'd be able to get significant enough concessions from the EU to allow for another vote (let alone one that would go her way).And so the once-remote chances of a second referendum are growing by the day…

A President Stuck on a Train – To show he's a man of the people ahead of national elections in May, South Africa's President Cyril Ramaphosa boarded a commuter train to mingle with passengers. But thanks in part to the embattled national railway and the decrepit infrastructure on which it relies, a 30-mile journey scheduled to last 45 minutes took nearly four hours. "It is unacceptable," Ramaphosa warned as his long journey ended. Things will improve or "heads will roll." Train delays are a daily source of public fury in South Africa, where late workers sometimes lose their jobs, and this is a chance for Ramaphosa to build much-needed public credibility—if he can make things better.

WHAT THEY ARE IGNORING

We usually ignore things on your behalf, but this week we spotlight a few important things that others are notably tuning out.

Protesters vs Algerian Government Reshuffle – Protesters in Algeria are evidently unmoved by the government's decision to scrap ailing President Abdelaziz Bouteflika's candidacy for a fifth consecutive term. Last Friday, even after that concession was announced, the country saw the largest protests in memory. While Bouteflika's withdrawal from the election was the initial demand of the protesters, they now worry the government will simply reshuffle an opaque power structure dominated by the military without addressing big problems of corruption and lack of economic opportunity. And they are probably right.

Muslim Leaders vs Chinese Abuse of Muslims – The leaders of some of the largest majority-Muslim nations on earth have mostly said nothing about growing evidence that China's government is systematically repressing ethnic-Uighur Muslims in the Western province of Xinjiang. Recently in Beijing, Saudi Crown Prince Mohamed bin Salman said China has the "right" to do what it likes within its borders. President Joko Widodo of Indonesia, the world's largest majority Muslim nation, has also avoided criticizing China. Evidently, the need to court Chinese investment and support surpasses their concern for their coreligionists. The only major Muslim leader who has spoken out is Turkey's Recep Tayyip Erdogan, who is staking his own claim to regional power and leadership of the broader Muslim world.