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Putin's drone battle for Ukraine's skies
The battlefield in Ukraine has moved from the ground to the skies, with Russia ramping up drone production and launching bigger, more powerful aerial attacks across the border. As Moscow leans further into drone warfare, how much longer can Ukraine hold out? Christopher Miller, chief Ukraine correspondent at the Financial Times, joins Ian Bremmer on the latest episode of GZERO World to discuss how drones have changed life on the front lines and in Ukraine’s cities.
The war looks very different from the one Vladimir Putin launched over three years ago, when tanks rolled across the border and soldiers advanced in heavy columns. Now, thousands of attack-style drones and smaller tactical and FPV drones swarm Ukraine’s skies, redefining how nations fight and how civilians live. Putin has reoriented Russia’s military and entire economy to become an industrial drone powerhouse, eroding Ukraine’s early advantage. Can Kyiv regain its edge? How long can Ukraine hold out and is a peace deal at all a possibility?
“There are now tens of thousands of drones in the air at any given time in eastern Ukraine and southern Ukraine being used by both the Russian and Ukrainian armies,” Miller says, “That has changed everything.”
GZERO World with Ian Bremmer, the award-winning weekly global affairs series, airs nationwide on US public television stations (check local listings).
New digital episodes of GZERO World are released every Monday on YouTube.Don't miss an episode: subscribe to GZERO's YouTube channel and turn on notifications (🔔). GZERO World with Ian Bremmer airs on US public television weekly - check local listings.
Ukraine's high-tech war of attrition, with Christopher Miller
The war in Ukraine has entered a dangerous new phase, with Russia sending bigger, more powerful drone attacks across the border nearly every day. Gone are the tanks, columns of troops, and heavy artillery from the early days of Moscow’s full-scale invasion. Now, tens of thousands of drones swarm Ukraine’s skies at any given moment. How much longer can Ukraine hold out? Christopher Miller, chief Ukraine correspondent at the Financial Times, joins Ian Bremmer on the GZERO World Podcast to discuss the war’s evolution from a conventional land invasion into a high-tech war of attrition dominated by drones.
Artificial intelligence, drones, all types of unmanned vehicles are being used to wage war alongside traditional tanks and artillery. Russia's not advancing like it did in the first few months. Now it's inch by inch, meter by meter. Ukraine’s troops are stuck in positions for months at a time, some nearly a year. Civilians in Ukraine’s cities are under constant threat from drone attacks, sheltering in subways and bomb shelters every night. Despite immense resilience, Ukraine’s people are getting exhausted and the country is running out of manpower. Can Ukraine regain its drone advantage? Is a diplomatic ceasefire at all a possibility?
“A lot of people in the west like to say the Ukrainians are so brave, they can do anything,” Miller says, “Many of my friends and soldiers tell me, we're not superhuman. We die, we bleed. There are fewer of us than there were three and a half years ago.”
Subscribe to the GZERO World Podcast on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, Stitcher, or your preferred podcast platform, to receive new episodes as soon as they're publishedHow Russia overtook Ukraine's drone advantage
After more than three and half years of war, Russia has become a drone powerhouse. It’s sending bigger and more powerful swarms across the border into Ukraine nearly every day, eroding Kyiv’s early drone advantage. A year ago, Russia was barely sending a thousand drones into Ukraine a month, now it averages six times that. On Ian Explains, Ian Bremmer breaks down how Vladimir Putin prioritized drone production to turn Russia into a drone superpower.
Russia’s full-scale invasion began with embarrassing setbacks and staggering losses. Supply lines broke down, soldiers abandoned tanks, casualties quickly mounted. Meanwhile, Ukraine innovated by using cheap quadcopters armed with grenades. But in the last year, Putin made drones a national priority. He retooled the military, prioritized production, and improved technology. The future of warfare is now being built on the battlefield in real time, and whoever adapts the fastest wins. Will Ukraine be able to regain its edge?
GZERO World with Ian Bremmer, the award-winning weekly global affairs series, airs nationwide on US public television stations (check local listings).
New digital episodes of GZERO World are released every Monday on YouTube. Don't miss an episode: subscribe to GZERO's YouTube channel and turn on notifications (🔔). GZERO World with Ian Bremmer airs on US public television weekly - check local listings.
A combination picture shows Russian President Vladimir Putin during a meeting with Arkhangelsk Region Governor Alexander Tsybulsky in Severodvinsk, Arkhangelsk region, Russia July 24, 2025.
In Alaska, the clock favors Putin
In negotiations, the most desperate party rarely gets the best terms. As Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin meet in Alaska today to discuss ending the Ukraine War, their diverging timelines may shape what deals emerge – if any. Trump needs a deal fast, Ukraine needs one that lasts, and Russia can afford to wait.
Trump wants a quick foreign policy win to fulfill his overdue campaign promise of ending the war "within 24 hours." With his base growing tired of funding Ukraine and cabinet members like Vice President JD Vance pushing for foreign policy to pivot toward China,Trump may prioritize announcing any deal over negotiating a good one.
US Leverage: Trump wields two powerful tools to force a deal. Against Russia, he could impose secondary sanctions on China's purchases of Russian energy — potentially dealing a devastating blow to Moscow's oil-dependent economy. Against Ukraine, he holds the extreme option of suspending intelligence sharing. While European allies could provide weapons in America's absence, they lack the intel that powers Ukraine’s precision drone strikes.
"Trump may be keen to chase speed over substance," warns Eurasia Group analyst Dani Podgoretskaya, who fears this could produce "a terrible, terrible deal" for Ukraine. However, she says that in meetings this week with EU leaders Trump “supported several Ukrainian demands, including for security guarantees and, most importantly, involving Ukraine in future meetings,” making the scenario of Trump inking a unilateral deal with Putin unlikely.
Meanwhile, Ukraine wants a ceasefire, but only if it lasts. Ukraine’s red lines remain firm: no foreign policy subordination to Russia, no permanent NATO exclusion, and no territorial concessions without "ironclad" security guarantees from the west. While Kyiv is running short on manpower and would potentially even accept a ceasefire that freezes current front lines, analysts say it won't make territorial concessions without meaningful security guarantees — fearing Russia will simply rebuild and invade again.
"The overarching goal for Ukraine is to survive an unprovoked attack on its statehood and prevent Russia from ever coming back," explains Podgoretskaya.
Current map of war in Ukraine
Ukraine's Leverage: Ukraine's greatest strength lies in its ability to refuse. No peace agreement works without Ukrainian consent — Kyiv will simply keep fighting.
If Trump traded territory without Ukrainians at the table and Zelensky capitulated, it would trigger political collapse and potentially spark military rebellion in Ukraine."It would be impossible for [Zelensky] to sell that back home," says Eurasia Group expert Tinatin Japaridze. "Territorial concessions remain a top-of-mind risk for all Ukrainians, and to this end, Kyiv’s capitulation is highly unlikely, though of course Putin will continue to push for this."
Ukraine also retains European backing and could sustain operations for perhaps up to a year without American support. However, a critical vulnerability lurks in Ukraine's defense infrastructure: "A lot of the components they're using for drones come from China," Podgoretskaya warns. "That is potentially a bottleneck, a very dangerous one."
Finally, Russia enters Alaska aiming to buy time and avoid new US sanctions while maintaining maximalist demands: annexation of five Ukrainian regions, permanent NATO exclusion for Ukraine, and strict limits on Ukrainian military forces. Putin may offer Trump small concessions — such as a temporary halt to aerial bombardments — while highlighting potential future US-Russia business opportunities, keeping the door open for future talks without committing to a full ceasefire.
Russia's Leverage: Despite economic damage from sanctions, "Russia can keep going at the expense of long-term growth,” says Podgoretskaya, “They can make sacrifices to keep the war alive until they get what they want." Moscow maintains battlefield superiority in Donbas after 17 months of grinding down Ukrainian defenses, and experts predict these gains will accelerate if fighting continues – with Russia potentially controlling the whole region by the end of the year.
Putin also has domestic incentives to prolong the war. "The economy is now very dependent on military spending. When that is cut, the economy is going to suffer quite dramatically," Podgoretskaya explains. To justify the pain of the war, Putin needs a substantial military victory.
“The Russians are not going to Alaska to make a deal,” says Japaridze. “They’re there to win some time and show both domestically and abroad that Putin is playing the long game.”
The US, Ukraine, and Russia will all attempt to pursue their goals with their leverage. Like many of you, we’ll be watching this afternoon to see what happens next.
India caught in middle as Trump tests out new Russia policy
With friends like these! President Donald Trump on Wednesday announced a new 25% tariff on India, one of the US’s closest allies in Asia.
Although India is a “friend”, Trump said, the country’s notoriously high trade barriers had prevented more commerce with the US. The new measures will go into effect on Saturday.
The move comes smack in the middle of rocky, ongoing trade talks between the US and India. Trump wants to crack open India’s vast market for American firms, while India is keen to protect certain domestic industries – particularly pharmaceuticals, auto parts, and agriculture – as well as the access of Indian students and high-skilled workers to the US.
India is in a tough spot – as Trump carries on talks with various countries at once, PM Narendra Modi doesn’t want to get stuck with a higher US tariff rate than other export-oriented Asian competitors who are all jockeying for access to the massive US market.
But Trump has put Modi in another, even trickier bind. He said India will pay a “fine” for its purchase of Russian oil. While details have yet to emerge, this looks like the first instance of Trump using so-called “secondary sanctions” to pressure Vladimir Putin, who has serially ignored Trump’s ongoing demands to end the war in Ukraine.
Earlier this month Trump threatened a tariff of 100% on any countries that trade with Russia unless the Kremlin stops the war within 50 days. This week he cut the deadline to “10 or 12 days.”
India is one of those countries, big league. Delhi purchases roughly 2 million barrels of oil daily from Russia, accounting for 40% of India’s total oil imports. That amount reflects a huge boost in Russian imports after 2022, when European sanctions over the invasion of Ukraine made Russian crude way cheaper for non-European buyers.
Analysts say that India could certainly go back to its traditional suppliers in the Middle East and Africa, but it would have to accept significantly higher costs compared to the blackballed Russian crude it’s gotten used to.
The dragon in the room. Still, if Trump is serious about landing a blow on Russia’s oil-dependent economy, he’ll sooner or later have to look towards the other
billion-person Asian power that gulps down Kremlin crude. China imports more than 2 million barrels of the stuff a day, about a fifth of its total imports. Together with India, the two countries buy more than 80% of Russia’s oil exports, accounting for about 5% of overall global crude demand.
Beijing is also Russia’s largest trade partner overall. With the US locked in tricky trade talks with its biggest global rival, is Trump ready to swing the secondary sanctions hammer at Beijing too?
British soldiers with NATO-led Resolute Support Mission arrive at the site of an attack in Kabul, Afghanistan March 6, 2020.
Hard Numbers: Secret British plan resettles Afghans, More Palestinians die at aid sites, US AIDS relief lives on, robots take the field, & more
19,000: According to a BBC report, the personal details of 19,000 Afghans who had applied to move to the United Kingdom following the 2021 Taliban takeover were leaked in February 2022. The government learned of the data breach in August 2023 and created a secret resettlement scheme for those affected, as it was deemed they were at risk of harm by the Taliban. Under the program, 4,500 Afghans have relocated to the UK.
20: At least 20 Palestinians were killed in a stampede at an aid distribution site operated by the controversial US- and Israeli-backed Gaza Humanitarian Fund on Wednesday. The UN says at least 875 people have lost their lives in the past six weeks alone while trying to access aid at these sites, with the majority reportedly gunned down by Israeli security forces. While Israel denies deliberately targeting civilians, it has said it is investigating the incidents.
$400 million: US Republican senators reached a budget deal on Tuesday that will preserve the $400-million President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) program, which helps to stem the spread of HIV in more than 50 countries and has reportedly saved 26 million lives. President Donald Trump had previously frozen funding for PEPFAR as part of his foreign-aid freeze.
2: A US citizen, Daniel Martindale, who spent more than two years spying on Ukrainian troops for Russia was awarded citizenship by Russian President Vladimir Putin on Tuesday. Martindale reportedly biked from Poland to Ukraine after Russia’s invasion in 2022, and surveyed key military positions and facilities from a Ukrainian village near the front line.
4: Our new robot umpire overlords have arrived! Last night’s Major League Baseball All-Star game – a meaningless but fun contest between the sport’s biggest stars – featured a trial system allowing players to appeal to a computerized system to challenge ball-and-strike calls made by human umps. Four out of the five challenges in the game were successful. The system could be introduced in meaningful games at the Major League level as soon as next season. Do we want this?
Zelensky and Putin in front of flags and war.
$300 Ukrainian drones vs. $100 million Russian bombers
The combined message from Kyiv could not have been clearer: we may be far smaller and – on paper at least – weaker, but we can strike hard and reach far into Russia. Using drones produced indigenously for less than the cost of an iPhone, Ukraine took out strategic bombers worth upward of $100 million each – many of which are nearly impossible to replace due to sanctions and Russia’s degraded industrial base. At a 300,000-to-one return on investment, this is the kind of asymmetric operation that can upend the rules of modern warfare.
Just as significant as the material damage is what the attacks revealed: that a small but determined and innovative nation can deploy cheap, scalable, and decentralized tech to challenge a much larger, conventionally superior foe – and even degrade elements of a nuclear superpower’s second-strike capacity. The lessons will reverberate globally, from Taipei to Islamabad.
Perhaps the biggest impact of Ukraine’s battlefield coup may be to challenge the core strategic presumption that has guided Vladimir Putin’s thinking for over three years: that time is on his side. Since the invasion began, Putin has bet on outlasting Ukraine – grinding down its defenses, draining Western support, and waiting for the political winds in Washington and Europe to shift. That assumption has underpinned his refusal to negotiate seriously. But the success of Ukraine’s drone and sabotage operations challenges that theory of victory. It shows that Ukraine is not simply holding the line or surviving a war of attrition; it is shifting the battlefield and expanding the costs of continued war for Russia in ways the Kremlin has not anticipated.
That shift matters, especially in the diplomatic context. The timing of the drone campaign – just 24 hours before a direct round of talks between Russian and Ukrainian officials in Istanbul – was hardly coincidental. Kyiv’s actions were designed to signal that Ukraine is not negotiating from a position of weakness and won’t be coerced into a bad deal. Though the Istanbul meeting itself was predictably fruitless – lasting just over an hour and reinforcing the irreconcilability of the two sides’ positions – the fact that the Kremlin showed up fresh off such a high-profile embarrassment suggests it may be starting to realize that Ukraine has cards to play and continuing the war carries risks for Russia.
This may not be enough to bring Russia to the negotiating table in good faith, but it could make it more open to limited agreements. To be sure, a permanent peace settlement remains as distant as ever. Kyiv continues to push for an unconditional ceasefire that Russia rejects out of hand. In Istanbul, Moscow proposed two equally unacceptable alternatives: either Kyiv retreats from Russian-claimed territories or accepts limits on its ability to rearm, including a halt to Western military aid. But the right kind of pressure from the United States, coordinated with European allies, could now stand a better chance of extracting a first-phase deal – whether that’s a 30-day ceasefire, a humanitarian corridor, or a prisoner swap – that could then potentially turn into something bigger and more durable.
At the same time, Ukraine’s gains increase the tail risks of dangerous escalation. Russia’s deterrent posture has been eroded. Putin’s red lines – on NATO enlargement, Western weapons use, attacks inside Russia – have been crossed repeatedly without serious consequence. That makes him look weak but also increases the risk that he will feel compelled to escalate the conflict more dramatically to restore his credibility at home and abroad.
Russia’s immediate response to the recent attacks will be more of the same: heavier indiscriminate bombing of Ukrainian cities and infrastructure. But a darker possibility is that, boxed in and humiliated, Putin might consider a tactical nuclear strike. The threshold for such an extreme step is high – not least because China, Russia’s most important global partner, strongly opposes nuclear use. That scenario remains unlikely, but less so than before June 1. And Putin is emboldened by the belief that the West – particularly Trump – fears direct military confrontation more than anything. If he assesses that Russia’s position in the war is becoming untenable or its conventional deterrence is crumbling, his calculus could change.
Ukraine has just reminded the Kremlin – and the world – that it can shape events, not just react to them. This doesn’t put it on a path to victory or bring the war to an end. But by showing that it has leverage and that Moscow has more to lose than it thought, Ukraine has altered the strategic equation and opened a narrow window for diplomacy – even if the endgame remains as elusive as ever. The alternative is a deeper and more unpredictable conflict that grows more dangerous the longer it drags on.
U.S. President Donald Trump speaks during a swearing-in ceremony of Special Envoy Steve Witkoff in the Oval Office at the White House in Washington, D.C., U.S., May 6, 2025.
What We’re Watching: Trump talks peace, Pakistan charms China, Romania, Poland and Portugal go to the polls
Trump seeks peace between Ukraine and Russia - again
US President Donald Trump will speak Monday at 10 am EST to Russian President Vladimir Putin to discuss “STOPPING THE 'BLOODBATH'” in Russia’s war with Ukraine, as well as “trade.” After that call, Trump will speak with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, in the hopes of brokering a 30-day ceasefire.
But is a deal DOA? Ukrainian sources claim that Moscow insists that Ukrainian troops first withdraw from the Donetsk, Zaporizhzhia, Kherson, and Luhansk regions of Ukraine, which doesn’t align with Washington’s proposal. Moscow hasn’t commented, but such demands could torpedo a truce before it begins.
A new eastern axis: Pakistan, China…. and Afghanistan?
Pakistan’s Foreign Minister and deputy Prime Minister, Ishaq Dar, is in Beijing Monday to meet with his Chinese counterpart Wang Yi "on the evolving regional situation in South Asia and its implications for peace and stability.” The meeting follows April’s violent conflict between Pakistan and India which saw Islamabad deploy Chinese weapons.
Is Kabul now in play? While in China, Dar is reportedly also holding trilateral talks with Afghanistan to discuss "enhanced security cooperation". The three countries all border India, and an alliance could threaten that country’s territorial integrity in the north. Pakistan further claims that its ceasefire with India expired Sunday, raising the possibility of renewed hostilities.
A mixed night for the right in trio of European elections
A centrist takes the crown in Romania, the right makes gains in Portugal, and a run-off awaits in Poland.
In Romania, the centrist mayor of Bucharest, Nicușor Dan, bested hard-right election front-runner George Simion 53.8% to 46.2%. The results won’t please the White House, which had plumped for Simion, but will delight the EU, NATO, and Ukraine, which Romania has supported in its war with Russia.
In Portugal, the center-right Democratic Alliance (AD) won 32% of the vote, improving on last year’s results by 4 points and boosting its number of seats in the Assembly to 89. They remain short of an outright majority, though. It was a dismal night for the opposition Socialist Party (PS), which scored just 23% and lost 20 seats, leaving it with just 58. This means that Chega, a hard-right party, will be the joint-second-largest party in Portugal, after it also won 58 seats. This is by far Chega’s best result in its six-year history.
In Poland, liberal Warsaw Mayor Rafal Trzaskowski narrowly bested conservative historian Karol Nawrocki, 31.4% to 29.5%, in the first round of the presidential election. Trzaskowski would help Prime Minister Donald Tusk reform laws enacted by the former governing party, Law and Justice, while Nawrocki would align with the far right. The two men will now face off in a second-round runoff on June 1.