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Three Numbers, One Story: Trump ups India's tariffs
Three Numbers, One Story: Trump ups India's tariffs
The US imposed steep 50% tariffs on Indian goods Wednesday, doubling an earlier 25% levy after New Delhi increased purchases of Russian oil. The move threatens $48.2 billion in exports, hitting labor-intensive sectors like textiles, jewelry, leather, food, and autos hardest, though pharmaceuticals and electronics are spared. Indian exporters warn of job losses and unviable businesses, while Prime Minister Narendra Modi has vowed not to yield to US pressure on agriculture and dairy access. With trade talks stalled, India is preparing reforms to boost domestic demand and diversify exports toward Europe, Africa, and Southeast Asia.
Russian President Vladimir Putin and then-Indian ambassador to Russia Pankaj Saran attend a ceremony to hand over credentials at the Kremlin in Moscow, Russia, on April 20, 2016.
The Kremlin’s piece in the India-China puzzle: Q+A with Pankaj Saran
When US President Donald Trump threatened 50% tariffs on India last week over its purchases of Russian oil, it put Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi in a quandary. Delhi has been growing ever closer to the West in recent years, but it also doesn’t want to lose its decades-long relationship with Russia – and it’s all because of China.
“India also wants to maintain a certain relationship with Russia – it keeps Moscow neutral when New Delhi and Beijing fight – which depends a lot on buying something from them,” said Eurasia Group’s South Asia Practice Head Pramit Pal Chaudhuri. “Purchases of Russian defence equipment are falling so oil [is] a useful substitute.”
To better understand why India’s relationship with the Kremlin is so crucial to Modi, as well as India’s views on the Russia-Ukraine war, GZERO spoke to former Indian Ambassador to Russia Pankaj Saran, who served in the role from 2016 to 2018. A diplomat for roughly four decades, Saran was also India’s deputy national security adviser from 2018 to 2021. This interview is edited for length and clarity.
Why is Russia so important to India?
For India, the primary strategic challenge is China, and it is not Russia.
India cannot afford to antagonize Russia, given the fact that in the last few years, Moscow has actually moved closer to China. So we have to keep Russia in play as a nation... The second reason is economic. We need all the natural resources and all the minerals and other resources to fuel our own growth and to meet our own demands. And thirdly, because of the fact that we’ve actually, historically speaking, had no real problems with Russia. We’ve had difficulties with the United States, with China, with Pakistan. But with Russia, the record is actually pretty clean, except for a brief period early on. And fourth, from a cultural and historical perspective, India and the Indian elite, regardless of the political parties in power, feel that you have to go and establish relationships beyond the Western world.
Is there a world in which India stops buying Russian oil?
Yes, sure. If the energy sources were to go back to normal, price-wise, India would also revert back to its normal, traditional sources, like the Gulf. Remember that, until 2022, India was virtually not importing any oil from Russia. This is quite a record, considering we have historically been an importer, and we have not imported oil from Russia, despite the best of relations since forever.
Note: There has been a discount on Russian oil ever since the European Union and the US placed sanctions on Moscow in 2022, right after Russia began its full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Read more here.
Is there a world in which Modi discourages Indian oil firms from buying Russian oil in response to pressure from the United States?
I can’t rule it out. What is also important is the Indian relationship with the United States. In today’s day and age, the India-US relationship has become very important, much more substantive than it ever was in the last 20-25 years… There is a lot at stake in the India-US relationship. He did stop buying Iranian oil during the first Trump administration. But the relationship with Russia is different from India-Iran.
Are the US tariff threats pushing Delhi toward Moscow?
To some extent, but it will not be a sharp swing to Russia, because the connectivities between India and the US have grown so much that it would be a very high-risk game to have any sharp swing towards Russia. But both Moscow and Beijing will definitely be quite pleased to see this sudden emergence of tensions between India and the US.
Turning to the Russia-Ukraine war: former US Ambassador to Russia John Sullivan said he believes Russian President Vladimir Putin doesn’t want a ceasefire and he wants victory. Do you agree with that assessment?
No, I don’t agree at all. I think this is the best chance we have to get Putin to enter into a ceasefire. And I think he also knows it. I think Alaska holds great promise. I think Putin is looking for a way out. He would be ready to get into a ceasefire, otherwise he wouldn’t go to Alaska... The question, of course, will be, what is the price he’s willing to pay if he’s offered a way out.
Is there anything you think Modi could do to encourage Putin to end the war in Ukraine?
This is a good time for Modi to talk with Putin. I’m quite sure that they’ve spoken, and I suspect also, there’s been some back and forth between Europe and Russia through the Indians… It is in India’s interest that this thing ends. I don’t see any way in which India would benefit from a continuation or an aggravation of tensions, which is not the same you can say maybe for the Chinese. Modi has tried to be part of the solution. He’s certainly not a spoiler in the mold of some of the Europeans.
Activists of All India National Congress burn an effigy of US President Donald Trump and Prime Minister of India Narendra Modi during a protest in Kolkata, India, after the Trump administration announced a 25% tariff on Indian goods, on August 1, 2025.
Why is India rebuffing Trump over Russian oil?
The days of “Howdy, Modi” are over.
Six years on from a gigantic rally in Houston, Texas, where US President Donald Trump and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi held hands, the two are fighting a war of words and tariffs.
The spat began last week when Trump, desperately seeking ways to pressure Russian President Vladimir Putin to end the war in Ukraine (Putin has ignored Trump’s demands to do so for months), slapped tariffs and threatened fines on India, the second-largest purchaser of Russian crude. The idea was to force Delhi to stop buying Russian oil, starving the Kremlin of revenue for its war machine. On Wednesday, Trump upped the ante further, announcing he would double India’s tariff rate to 50% later this month.
But Modi has so far refused to back down – his Foreign Ministry reiterated on Wednesday that Trump’s proposed tariffs are “unjustified and unreasonable.” Adding fuel to the fire, the leader of the world’s largest economy and the head of the world’s most populous nation are still feuding over whether the US helped broker a ceasefire between India and Pakistan in May.
So why is Modi now clashing head on with the man he once called a “true friend”?
Firstly, there’s a monetary component.
Before the full-scale invasion of Ukraine began in 2022, India only sourced 0.2% of its oil from Russia. Now, Moscow is responsible for roughly one third of all Indian oil imports, with Delhi profiting from a discounted price that resulted from sanctions.
“Indian refineries save about $1 billion a month by buying Russian crude,” said Eurasia Group’s South Asia Practice Head Pramit Pal Chaudhuri, a lower amount than previously – the Russian oil discount has diminished in recent weeks – but still significant.
While India requires this fuel for its own energy needs, it also uses the discounted oil to generate major revenues from exporting refined petroleum products in which crude in an input, like diesel and jet fuels. In this trade, Europe is one of India’s largest markets.
“Purchasing crude oil from Russia and refining it for the market (which includes European countries) has allowed India to not only profit from the purchases but maintain its political and economic relationship with Russia,” Manjari Chatterjee Miller, a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations, told GZERO.
Secondly, India sees this as part of broader trade talks with the US.
The savings that India has made from buying Russian oil have been “useful,” per Chaudhuri, “but losing this would hardly break the bank.” More vital for India are the broader trade talks with Trump, with the next round of negotiations set for Aug. 25.
“There is a belief in New Delhi that Trump’s tariff threats are being used as leverage to extract concessions in order to secure a favourable trade deal with India, reflecting Trump’s proclivity to connect trade and non-trade issues,” said Dr. Chietigj Bajpaee, a South Asia expert at Chatham House.
The US leader has used the Russian oil purchases to justify the pressure on India, but he has another trade interest at hand: he wants Delhi to lower its notoriously high tariffs and grant the US access to its vast agricultural and dairy markets, per Chaudhuri.
Viewing Trump’s moves as a negotiating ploy, Modi sees little interest in backing down.
Thirdly, the Indian public doesn’t want to see Modi surrender to foreign pressure.
Trump’s words have piqued some in India, especially when he suggested that it had a “dead economy.”
“They’ve been seen as a little insulting, to be honest, and it has certainly worsened public opinion [toward Trump],” The Asia Group’s India Practice Chair Ashok Malik, who was a policy adviser in India’s foreign ministry, told GZERO. Modi, he added, now “has to press back.”
This isn’t so much about Trump but rather about rejecting foreign interference, according to Miller. India sees itself as fiercely independent, with a long history of “non-alignment” to any one global pole.
“For India to back down in the face of US tariff threats and essentially downgrade its relationship with Russia will also absolutely not play well among the Indian public,” said Miller. “Modi cannot be seen kowtowing to any US administration.”
Finally, India doesn’t want to lose Russia.
India values its decades-long relationship with Russia, principally because Moscow is a hedge against its chief Asian rival, China. Delhi has long had tensions with Beijing – over border disputes, technological rivalries, and China’s support for Pakistan. While relations with China have thawed a little this year – Modi is visiting China for the first time in seven years at the end of the month – India doesn’t want to anger Russia by bending the knee to Washington, as such a move would risk pushing the Kremlin even closer to Beijing.
“India has a larger interest in keeping links with Russia,” said Chaudhuri. “It believes [in] a combination of ‘respect and money’ that keeps Russia neutral when India and China clash (so far true) and provides other geopolitical benefits.”
The repudiation of US pressure, though, may still have consequences for India’s foreign policy.
“Unless Modi and Trump can reach an agreement,” says Miller “this is an incredibly destabilizing moment for the US-India relationship, and recovery will be difficult.”
India caught in middle as Trump tests out new Russia policy
With friends like these! President Donald Trump on Wednesday announced a new 25% tariff on India, one of the US’s closest allies in Asia.
Although India is a “friend”, Trump said, the country’s notoriously high trade barriers had prevented more commerce with the US. The new measures will go into effect on Saturday.
The move comes smack in the middle of rocky, ongoing trade talks between the US and India. Trump wants to crack open India’s vast market for American firms, while India is keen to protect certain domestic industries – particularly pharmaceuticals, auto parts, and agriculture – as well as the access of Indian students and high-skilled workers to the US.
India is in a tough spot – as Trump carries on talks with various countries at once, PM Narendra Modi doesn’t want to get stuck with a higher US tariff rate than other export-oriented Asian competitors who are all jockeying for access to the massive US market.
But Trump has put Modi in another, even trickier bind. He said India will pay a “fine” for its purchase of Russian oil. While details have yet to emerge, this looks like the first instance of Trump using so-called “secondary sanctions” to pressure Vladimir Putin, who has serially ignored Trump’s ongoing demands to end the war in Ukraine.
Earlier this month Trump threatened a tariff of 100% on any countries that trade with Russia unless the Kremlin stops the war within 50 days. This week he cut the deadline to “10 or 12 days.”
India is one of those countries, big league. Delhi purchases roughly 2 million barrels of oil daily from Russia, accounting for 40% of India’s total oil imports. That amount reflects a huge boost in Russian imports after 2022, when European sanctions over the invasion of Ukraine made Russian crude way cheaper for non-European buyers.
Analysts say that India could certainly go back to its traditional suppliers in the Middle East and Africa, but it would have to accept significantly higher costs compared to the blackballed Russian crude it’s gotten used to.
The dragon in the room. Still, if Trump is serious about landing a blow on Russia’s oil-dependent economy, he’ll sooner or later have to look towards the other
billion-person Asian power that gulps down Kremlin crude. China imports more than 2 million barrels of the stuff a day, about a fifth of its total imports. Together with India, the two countries buy more than 80% of Russia’s oil exports, accounting for about 5% of overall global crude demand.
Beijing is also Russia’s largest trade partner overall. With the US locked in tricky trade talks with its biggest global rival, is Trump ready to swing the secondary sanctions hammer at Beijing too?
President Donald Trump waves as he walks before departing for Florida from the South Lawn at the White House in Washington, D.C., U.S., on March 28, 2025.
Trump scolds Putin over Ukraine after Moscow greenlights his ambitions for Greenland
Is the bloom off the bromance between US President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin? On Sunday, Trump took Putin to task over Russia’s foot-dragging on a ceasefire in Ukraine and threatened to tariff Russian oil and impose more sanctions on the country.
“If Russia and I are unable to make a deal on stopping the bloodshed in Ukraine, and if I think it was Russia’s fault ... I am going to put secondary tariffs on oil, on all oil coming out of Russia,” Trump said. “That would be, that if you buy oil from Russia, you can’t do business in the United States … There will be a 25% tariff on all oil, a 25- to 50-point tariff on all oil.” So far, there’s been no reaction from the Kremlin, but Trump said he would be talking with Putin this week.
A Greenland connection? Trump’s comments came a day after he reaffirmed his interest in acquiring Greenland for reasons of American and international security – something that Putin seems just fine with. At an Arctic policy forum in Murmansk on Thursday, Putin expounded on the “historical roots” of America’s interest in the island and said it was a matter that did not concern Russia.
But it may concern Ukraine. In the same speech, Putin said he would support a UN-led administration in Ukraine to hold new elections. And Kirill Dmitriev, Putin’s envoy for foreign investment and economic cooperation, said that while Moscow is open for investment cooperation in the Arctic with the US, “before deals can be done the war in Ukraine needs to end.”
Iran without Raisi: What's next?
Ian Bremmer shares his insights on global politics this week on World In :60.
What's the fallout from the death of Iran's president?
Not that much in the near term because he doesn't actually run the country. There will be a new election in 50 days. It'll be a hardline or a loyalist to the Supreme Leader. Almost no one will turn out to vote because people don't see this as legitimate. But the country is still a strong and repressive theocracy and that is not changing with or without President Raisi.
How will allies respond to Zelensky urging them for direct involvement in the war?
We're seeing more of this in part because you have the Americans, the French, increasingly talking about the fact that they might want to send people, boots on the ground, to engage in training. As soon as Zelensky hears that, especially because his troops aren't doing so well on the ground right now, he wants maximum support from everyone he can get in NATO. Also, if you want to be in NATO, that means you've got to have trip wires, that means that NATO has to be involved if the Ukrainians are losing more land. This helps with that. But all of this means that the upcoming 75th anniversary of the NATO summit in Washington in July is going to be a really tough one to navigate. Zelensky wants a lot more than NATO allies are prepared to give him.
Is India's recent rise in Russian oil imports a concern to the West?
Not really. The Indians are actually importing more oil from Russia than China, even though, overall, China's trade is going up faster. But American policy, NATO policy is, squeeze the Russians but not so much that it hurts the Americans and the Europeans, it doesn't hurt their economy that much. What that means is that the Russians continue to export oil, and gas, and uranium, and food, and fertilizer. They basically reveal preferences that the United States isn't prepared to do all that much ultimately for Ukraine, especially not if the American economy takes a hit. That does, of course, matter when you look at what's happening with Russia around the world.
That's it for me. I'll talk to you all real soon.
Solving Europe's energy crisis with Norway's power
Europe's energy security hinges on Norway and its transition from fossil fuels to renewable sources. That has big geopolitical implications for Ukraine and NATO.
On GZERO World, Ian Bremmer delves into Europe's urgent quest for energy independence and the broader geopolitical shifts that could redefine the continent's future. With the specter of reduced US support for Ukraine after November’s election, Europe's resilience, particularly in energy security and military capabilities, takes center stage. Norwegian Prime Minister Jonas Støre joins Ian to discuss Norway's critical role in this transition, emphasizing the need for a swift move from oil and gas to renewables, a monumental task that Europe and Norway are determined to undertake in a remarkably short timeframe. “Norway will transition out of oil and gas. When we pass 2030, there will be declining production, and then we want to see renewables transition upwards,” Prime Minister Jonas Støre tells Ian.
Their conversation delves into the ramifications of the US election outcome on NATO and Ukraine, underscoring Europe's precarious position should American support wane. The discussion reveals the continent's vulnerability to fuel crises and the imperative for a robust energy strategy that lessens dependency on external forces, notably by severing ties with Russian fossil fuels in response to the invasion of Ukraine. “Europe's ability to assist Kyiv on the battlefield will hinge not just on military capabilities but also Europe's own energy security,” Ian explains.
This is a moment of transformation for Europe as it navigates the complexities of energy transition and geopolitical uncertainties, highlighting the interconnectedness of sustainability, security, and solidarity in facing the challenges of the 21st century.
Catch GZERO World with Ian Bremmer every week online and on US public television. Check local listings.
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Why is Julian Assange in the news again?
Ian Bremmer shares his insights on global politics this week on World In :60.
What's left to sanction with Russia and have existing sanctions been effective?
There's very little left to sanction with Russia that the Americans and their allies want to sanction. I mean, you could try to cut off Russian oil exports to, say, India, but no one wants to do that because that would cause a global recession. Food, fertilizer, same thing. At the end of the day, the sanctions that the West can put on Russia without a massive impact to themselves and the world they've already put. But because Biden said there'd be hell to pay if anything happened to Navalny in jail and he's dead now, and it's pretty clear the Russians, the Kremlin killed him. That means they have to sound tough. But ultimately, the only thing that is changing Russian behavior is the provision of significant military support to the Ukrainians, and that is determined by US Congress going forward.
Is Israel preventing humanitarian aid from reaching Gaza?
Certainly that is the case, and they've been very reluctant to allow significant humanitarian aid to get into Gaza. Their view is that a lot of that aid would be taken by Hamas, and there's very limited capacity to stop Hamas from doing it. It's terrorist organization. Most of the rest of the world says, yeah, even if that's the case, you've got a couple of million civilians in Gaza whose homes have been destroyed, who've been displaced, that have no other way to live unless you provide them with support. And in very short order, the principal danger to civilians in Gaza will be humanitarian and will not be the war. That's how bad the humanitarian crisis is getting, even though the war fighting continues to go on.
Why is Julian Assange in the news today?
Well, because he is facing one of his last opportunities to avoid extradition to the United States. He is in the UK right now. He's wanted on almost two dozen criminal charges by the United States in regard to he and his organization putting out classified material and diplomatic cables over ten years ago. Those are serious crimes from the United States. But supporters of Assange are all about, look, this is, you know, putting truth to power and shining a light on massive human rights abuses. And if it wasn't for Assange, people wouldn't know about those abuses. It's kind of the same thing people have been saying about Snowden. There is a massive political debate that we can't finish in 180 seconds, but that's why Assange is in the news. We will see what the high court rules.
That’s it for me and I'll talk to you all real soon.